WINDS OF CHANGE ENGULF ISLAND

Dr. Jehan Perera commends the new government’s strategic direction to date

The new government’s approach to major national issues has so far been characterised by a measured strategy, building upon the direction established by previous administrations. Its commitment to complying with the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF)) and associated conditions reflects a desire for economic stability.

By retaining key economic officials, it has demonstrated confidence in their expertise – despite criticisms during the presidential campaign. Additionally, it has adopted a careful approach to addressing the international challenges posed by the United Nations Human Rights Council’s (UNHRC) Resolution 51/1, which was recently deliberated in Geneva.

The decision by the UNHRC to extend its scrutiny of Sri Lanka’s human rights practices for another year presented a diplomatic challenge for the new government. But it is one that can be dealt with.

Since the end of the war in 2009, the UNHRC – led primarily by the Western bloc – has pressed Sri Lanka to address wartime accountability including unresolved issues such as disappearances, land return, and demilitarisation of the north and east.

In October 2022, the UNHRC passed Resolution 51/1, which extended the mandate of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to preserve evidence of human rights violations. This resolution was aimed at supporting judicial actions in countries with legal provisions for prosecuting war crimes.

The governments of former presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe strongly opposed this resolution; they argued that domestic improvements in human rights should be sufficient. However, their opposition didn’t change the stance of the UN since local pledges were not implemented.

And the new government’s position is that while Sri Lanka rejects the resolution, it will continue constructive engagement with the UNHRC, and remain committed to human rights treaties and the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process.

The government may propose amendments to future UNHRC resolutions to achieve a balanced outcome that aligns with both UN expectations and Sri Lanka’s national interests.

In the meantime, in line with the principles of good governance it promises to address corruption, ensure democratic rights, and establish credible domestic processes for reconciliation and accountability.

For the first time since the UNHRC resolutions on Sri Lanka in 2009, the country has a government that’s untainted by accusations of wartime abuses; its parliamentary members were not involved in security decisions during the conflict as they held non-security-related offices during the 2004/5 ceasefire period.

This unique position may enable the government to engage more constructively with the UN and facilitate a more inclusive reconciliation process domestically.

Prior to the election, Wickremesinghe was generally believed to be the preferred candidate of the Western bloc – he was praised for his pro-Western alignment and handling of the economy.

The National People’s Power (NPP) political alliance’s alignment with the JVP – with its Marxist-Leninist ideological orientation – caused speculation that a government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake would lean towards China and Russia, which have been allies of Sri Lanka with regard to its stance on human rights issues at the UNHRC.

Dissanayake prioritised strengthening ties with India however, and affirmed Sri Lanka’s support in relation to India’s security interests.

Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha was the first foreign diplomat to meet the new president. India’s Foreign Minister Dr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar also met Dissanayake and discussed economic development projects between the two nations.

Meanwhile, goodwill messages from countries such as the US, Japan, China and Russia, as well as blocs like the EU, underscored Sri Lanka’s strategic importance and economic potential. Japan immediately recommenced as many as 11 of its stalled development projects with a combination of loans and grants.

The ability to advance the reconciliation process, which previous governments left stagnant, will most likely improve the new government’s credibility internationally.

By balancing pragmatic foreign policy with a commitment to accountability and internal reform, the new government is positioned to contribute positively to peace building; this offers hope for a harmonious future for Sri Lanka both domestically and internationally.

The government’s implementation of domestic mechanisms of justice, reconciliation and human rights protections will bolster Sri Lanka’s reputation as a country that is capable of reform.

And in a world increasingly marked by challenges to democratic norms, Sri Lanka’s example of peaceful power transition and constructive diplomatic engagement could position it as a model of responsible governance.